The
Wiranto Warrant Political Interference in the Serious Crimes Process
JSMP Press Release:
22 June 2004
The
serious crimes process has received yet another setback it can ill
afford. Given the precarious economic situation in Timor-Leste,
the President and Government consider maintaining good relations
with Indonesia far more important than their people’s calls
for justice. One powerful image speaks a thousand words: the smiling
embrace of two former enemies in Bali, President Xanana Gusmao and
former General Wiranto. Throughout Timor-Leste, however, victims
are far less willing to embrace their former enemies. Tension remains
in communities as perpetrators live side by side with victims, and
people continue to wait for the justice promised to them by the
United Nations (UN). Many also fear the return of former-militia
from Indonesia given the scaled down presence and imminent withdrawal
of UN troops.
There can be
no meaningful reconciliation with Indonesia and within Timor-Leste
until justice is served. Until such time, public displays of affection
for Wiranto may ensure the short-term economic viability of Timor-Leste,
but it also sows the seeds for future tension and endangers the
creation of future, potentially more effective, judicial processes.
President Xanana’s actions come at a crucial time. The UN
Secretary-General is holding off on the establishment of a Commission
of Experts to analyse the trials of both the ad hoc Human Rights
Court in Jakarta and the Special Panels for Serious Crimes in Dili.
If this body finds both sets of trials have not held the perpetrators
accountable, there is a possibility of increased international support
for justice initiatives. But given the ‘forgive and forget’
attitude of the Timor-Leste Government and deep-seated reluctance
by countries such as the United States to offend Indonesia, the
international community has every reason to let Timor-Leste slide
off the international criminal justice radar.
The national
arrest warrant for Wiranto illustrates the complexity of the situation.
The warrant was issued by a UN-funded international judge on 10
May 2004 acting under the authority of the Timor-Leste judiciary.
The next day, the Prosecutor-General sought permission to amend
the Wiranto indictment, which has been perceived as an attempt to
have the arrest warrant revoked. There is a strong suggestion that
the Prosecutor-General’s actions arose due to intense political
pressure. Over a year ago he supported the indictment of Wiranto
and his change of position was no doubt influenced by statements
from the President criticizing the warrant. At present, however,
the warrant against Wiranto still stands as the court refused the
Prosecutor-General’s application.
This warrant
will not have international implications unless the Prosecutor-General
decides to forward it to Interpol. At present, the Prosecutor–General
has stated that he will not do this. It is of little consequence,
however, as INTERPOL is primarily a communication network that works
on cooperation between state signatories. It has no authority to
coerce a country into handing over suspects. But other avenues exist
to try Wiranto if he travels abroad, such as trial in a third country,
possibly on the basis of universal jurisdiction under international
law.
The attempt to
have Wiranto’s arrest warrant revoked is understandable, although
it is not justifiable. Wiranto is a high-profile candidate in the
upcoming Indonesian presidential elections, and the warrant undoubtedly
places the Timor-Leste Government in a difficult position. It appears,
however, that the President and Government have gone too far to
please, rather than appease Indonesia. Instead of minimizing the
impact of the Wiranto situation, the Government is now ignoring
people’s demand for justice, completely undermining the serious
crimes process and potentially jeopardising future international
support for trials.
Perhaps the best
hope for effective trials lies in a dramatic shift in Indonesian
policy to cooperate with the handover of suspects. This may take
ten years or more. Unless the Timor-Leste Government supports in
principle the trial of Indonesians, the chance of ending impunity
is greatly diminished.
Alarmingly, the
Wiranto situation has created perhaps an irreparable breakdown in
relations between UN prosecutors and their head, the Prosecutor-General.
JSMP believes at least one prosecutor has resigned over the issue.
JSMP acknowledges the complex political situation at present, however
it is vital for current and future crimes against humanity trials
that both parties work together. At the very least, both parties
need to develop a system to maintain evidence and an effective exit
strategy for the end of international involvement in May 2005.
JSMP is concerned
about political interference in the Wiranto situation. The decision
to issue a warrant for Wiranto is not a matter of government policy
but a matter to be determined by a court of law. Any time government
interferes in the court process, the rule of law and Timor-Leste’s
democracy is diminished. Timor-Leste’s prosecutors, whether
UN funded or not, must be free from political interference to carry
out their role according to the applicable law. If not, this breaches
provisions in the Constitution related to the independence of the
judiciary, the adoption of international legal principles and state’s
role to guarantee fundamental rights of citizens. Accordingly, JSMP
encourages victims to seek redress through the courts to ensure
their constitutional rights are upheld.
It is difficult
to underestimate the importance of Indonesia for Timor-Leste’s
future. However, only with an effective judicial process for the
crimes committed during and after Indonesian occupation can true
reconciliation occur. Anything less will result in widespread dissatisfaction
and community tension.
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